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Hack Attack
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For Jean Davies, who died in 1986. She would have loved this story.
Contents
Title Page
Copyright Notice
Dedication
Who’s Who
Author’s Note
Part One: Crime and Concealment
1. February 2008 to July 2009
2. Inside the News of the World
3. 8 July 2009 to 14 July 2009
4. Crime in Fleet Street
5. 14 July 2009 to November 2009
6. Secrets and lies
Part Two: The Power Game
7. A wedding in the country
8. November 2009 to March 2010
9. The mogul and his governments
10. March 2010 to 15 December 2010
11. The biggest deal in the world
12. 15 December 2010 to 28 June 2011
13. The last ditch
Part Three: Truth
14. 28 June 2011 to 19 July 2011
15. Exposed!
16. Final reckoning
Epilogue
Appendix
List of Illustrations
Index
Photographs
Also by Nick Davies
A Note About the Author
Copyright
Who’s Who
Sue Akers
Deputy assistant commissioner, Metropolitan Police
Tamsin Allen
Lawyer for hacking victims
Matthew Anderson
Right-hand man to James Murdoch
Sky Andrew
Sports agent, hacking victim
Mr Apollo
Code name for original source for story
Joanne Armstrong
Legal adviser to Professional Footballers’ Association, hacking victim
Sir Ian Blair
Commisioner, Metropolitan Police, 2005–09, hacking target
David Blunkett
Home Secretary, hacking victim
Charlie Brooks
Racehorse trainer, husband of Rebekah Brooks
Rebekah Brooks
Editor, News of the World and the Sun, chief executive of News International from September 2009
Chris Bryant
Labour MP, hacking victim
Ian Burton
External lawyer, News International
Lady Buscombe
Chair, Press Complaints Commission, 2009–11
Vince Cable
Liberal Democrat Secretary of State for business
Glenn Campbell
BBC journalist
Richard Caseby
Managing editor, the Sun
Jon Chapman
Legal director, News International
Peter Clarke
Deputy assistant commissioner, in command of Op Caryatid
Max Clifford
PR agent, hacking victim
Daniel Cloke
Director of human resources, News International
Dave Cook
Detective chief superintendent, Metropolitan Police
Andy Coulson
Editor News of the World, media adviser to the prime minister
Tom Crone
In-house lawyer, News of the World and the Sun
Ian Edmondson
Assistant editor (news), News of the World
Emissary
Code name for government source
Kieren Fallon
Jockey, hacking victim
Paul Farrelly
Labour MP on media select committee
Dick Fedorcio
Director of communications, Metropolitan Police
George Galloway
Respect MP, hacking victim
Clive Goodman
Royal editor, News of the World
Andy Gray
TV presenter, hacking victim
Simon Greenberg
Director, corporate affairs, News International
Mark Hanna
Director of security, News International
Charlotte Harris
Lawyer for hacking victims
Dean Haydon
John Yates’s staff officer
Andy Hayman
Assistant commissioner, responsible for Op Caryatid
Amelia Hill
Guardian reporter
Ross Hindley
News of the World reporter
Les Hinton
Chief executive News International until December 2007
Sean Hoare
Show-business reporter, the Sun and News of the World
Jeremy Hunt
Secretary of State for culture, media and sport
Lawrence ‘Lon’ Jacobs
In-house counsel, News Corp
Jingle
Code name for police source
Tessa Jowell
Secretary of State for culture, media and sport
Karl
Code name for police source
Ian Katz
Deputy editor, the Guardian
Trevor Kavanagh
Political editor, the Sun
John Kelly
Lawyer for hacking victims
Joel Klein
Executive vice president, News Corp
Stuart Kuttner
Managing editor, News of the World
David Leigh
Investigations editor, the Guardian
Mark Lewis
Lawyer for hacking victims
Will Lewis
General manager, News International
Lola
Code name for source in criminal justice system
Mark Maberly
Detective, attached to Op Caryatid
Alice Macandrew
Media adviser to James Murdoch
Ken Macdonald QC
Director of Public Prosecutions, 2003–08
Paul McMullan
Journalist, News of the World
Mango
Code name for whistle-blower source
Alex Marunchak
Executive editor, News of the World
Sir Christopher Meyer
Chair, Press Complaints Commission, 2003–09
Fred Michel
Lobbyist for James Murdoch
Sienna Miller
Actress, hacking victim
Greg Miskiw
Assistant editor (news), News of the World
Dominic Mohan
Editor, the Sun
Daniel Morgan
Private investigator, murdered 1987
Piers Morgan
Editor, Daily Mirror and News of the World
Max Mosley
Victim of News of the World story, funded hacking victims
Glenn Mulcaire
Phone-hacking specialist, News of the World
James Murdoch
Executive chairman of News International, 2007–11
Rupert Murdoch
Chairman and chief executive of News Corp
Colin Myler
Editor, News of the World
Ovid
Code name for Mulcaire’s ghostwriter
Alec Owen
Senior investigator, Information Commissioner’s Office
Brian Paddick
Deputy assistant commissioner, Metropolitan Police, hacking victim
Lucy Panton
Crime reporter, News of the World
David Perry QC
Senior prosecutor
Rober
t Peston
BBC business editor
Nicola Phillips
PA to Max Clifford, hacking victim
Julian Pike
External lawyer, News International
John Prescott
Deputy prime minister, hacking victim
Adam Price
Plaid Cymru MP on media select committee
Jeremy Reed
Barrister for hacking victims
Ed Richards
Chief executive, Ofcom
Alan Rusbridger
Editor, the Guardian from 1995
Gerald Shamash
Lawyer for hacking victims
Michael Silverleaf QC
Barrister for News International
Adam Smith
Special adviser to Jeremy Hunt
Keir Starmer QC
Director of Public Prosecutions, 2008–13
Jules Stenson
Features editor, News of the World
Sir Paul Stephenson
Commissioner, Metropolitan Police, 2009–11
Sir John Stevens
Commissioner, Metropolitan Police, 2000–05
Keith Surtees
Detective, deputy lead investigator on Op Caryatid
Gordon Taylor
Chief executive, Professional Footballers’ Association, hacking victim
Mark Thomson
Lawyer for hacking victims
Neville Thurlbeck
Chief reporter, News of the World
Hugh Tomlinson QC
Barrister for hacking victims
Tim Toulmin
Director, Press Complaints Commission
Mr Justice Vos
Judge in hacking cases
Neil Wallis
Deputy editor, News of the World
Tom Watson
Labour MP on media select committee
James Weatherup
News editor, News of the World
Derek Webb
Covert surveillance specialist, News of the World
John Whittingdale
Conservative chair of media select committee
Phil Williams
Detective, lead investigator on Op Caryatid
John Yates
Assistant commissioner, Metropolitan Police
Author’s Note
This is the strangest story I’ve ever written.
In the beginning, it was next to nothing. Two men were arrested – a private investigator and a journalist from the News of the World. Both of them ended up in prison, but it was no big deal. The crime they had committed was minor. Their jail sentences were short. The only eye-catching thing about it at the time was that their crime was quite quirky: they had discovered that they could access other people’s voicemail messages and had spent months eavesdropping on three staff at Buckingham Palace. Even so, it was a small story, dead and gone from the public eye within a few days.
And yet, I ended up spending more than six years of my working life trying to unravel the bundle of corruption which lay hidden in the background. Soon there was a small group of us working together, discovering that we had stumbled into a fight with the press and the police and the government, all of them linked to an organisation which had been created by one man.
Rupert Murdoch is one of the most powerful people in the world. You could argue that he is, in fact, the most powerful. News Corp is amongst the biggest companies on the planet. Like all his commercial rivals, Murdoch has the financial power to hire or fire multiple thousands of people and the political power to worry governments by threatening to withdraw his capital and transfer it to a more co-operative nation. But, unlike his rivals in business, his power has another dimension. Because he owns newspapers and news channels, he has the ability to worry governments even more, to make them fear that without his favour they will find themselves attacked and destabilised and discredited. Certainly, a man who is both global business baron and multinational kingmaker has a special kind of power.
So the simple crime story turned out to be a story about the secret world of the power elite and their discreet alliances. This is not about conspiracy (not generally) but about the spontaneous recognition of power by power, the everyday occurrence of a natural exchange of assistance between those who occupy positions in society from which they can look down upon and mightily affect the everyday worlds of ordinary men and women. In this case, as often, that mutual favouritism took place amidst the persistent reek of falsehood – not the fevered plotting of Watergate lies, but the casual arrogance of a group of people who take it for granted that they have every right to run the country and, in doing so, to manipulate information, to conceal embarrassing truth, to try to fool all of the people all of the time.
A lot of writers say that they can’t do their job – they can’t produce the book or the film or the newspaper article – unless they can reach a point of such clarity about their project that they can reduce it to a single sentence. Waiting for a bus one day while I was drafting this book, I finally got there. This is a story about power and truth.
To be more precise, it is about the abuse of power and about the secrets and lies that protect it. In a tyranny, the ruling elite can abuse its power all day long, and anybody who complains about it will get a visit from the secret police. In an established democracy, abuse of power cannot afford to be visible. It needs concealment like a vampire needs the dark. As soon as a corporation or a trade union or a government or any arm of the state is seen to be breaking the rules, it can be attacked, potentially embarrassed, conceivably stopped. The secrets and lies are not an optional extra, they are central to the strategy.
In this case, the concealment had an extra layer, because news organisations which might otherwise have exposed the truth were themselves part of the abuse, and so they kept silent, indulging in a comic parody of misreporting, hiding the emerging scandal from their readers like a Victorian nanny covering the children’s eyes from an accident in the street – ‘you don’t want to see this’. Some did this because they were linked to the crime by common ownership or by their own guilty secrets about the lawbreaking in their own newsrooms; some turned away for fear of upsetting their political allies. Too many journalists had simply ceased to function as independent truth-tellers, separate from and critical of the people they were writing about. The crime reporter made common cause with the police and also with criminals. The political correspondent developed a loyalty to one party or faction. The media reporter became a tool for his or her owner. The news executive turned into a preening power-monger, puffed with wealth and self-importance, happy to join the elite and not to expose it – all rather like the final moment of Animal Farm, when the pigs who have led the revolt against the humans have come to adopt the behaviour of the rulers they were supposed to challenge: ‘The creatures outside looked from pig to man, and from man to pig, and from pig to man again; but already it was impossible to say which was which.’
The story of the phone-hacking scandal happens to have unfolded in the United Kingdom, but it could have happened anywhere in the world. News Corp itself has spent years playing the power game in Australia and the United States and China, and anywhere else where its commerce has led it. Those other countries have suffered comparable abuse by News Corp and by other similar forces. The structures of power and the weakness of democracy are more or less the same everywhere. A freakish sequence of events allowed us to see the truth in the UK, but it delivers a lesson for anybody anywhere who thinks they have the right to have power over their own lives.
In the end, the struggle by the small group of people who tried to uncover the hacking scandal was taken over by others who exposed even more. In writing this book, I’ve been able to draw on the mass of evidence which emerged eventually in civil lawsuits, criminal trials, select-committee hearings in the House of Commons and, above all, through the public inquiry which was chaired by Lord Justice Leveson in London from the autumn of 2011.
In the background,
however, we relied consistently on the help of tabloid journalists, police officers, private investigators, government officials, former Murdoch allies and others who refused to accept the corruption around them. Some were able to speak openly, but most of them stepped forward on condition of anonymity, which I’ve maintained. In a few cases, sources who originally were unattributable have decided that they can now be named, and so they are identified here. All of them played their part, and I want to acknowledge the importance of their help and of their willingness to take risks so that the story could be told.
In three particular areas, my own work was backed up by specialist researchers: Jenny Evans, who built bridges to journalists who had worked on the News of the World; Adrian Gatton, who went into the netherworld of private investigation; and David Hencke, who made good use of his long-standing links to politicians and their advisers. Tom Mills analysed press cuttings for me. Scarlett MccGwire introduced me to contacts from the political world.
I also drew on several dozen published books and in-depth articles, which are listed in a bibliography on a website which is a companion to this book, www.hack-attack.co.uk. Occasionally, I have identified them as sources in the text. I acknowledge all of them as valuable raw material.